The Social Construction Of Older Age

The Social Construction Of Older Age Discuss the social construction of older age and how this should then contribute to anti-discriminatory social work practice How has older age been socially and historically constructed? The biological perspective of ageing believes that the process of aging is a biological fact which is universal and affects all people. It takes the view that aging is a fundamental, progressive process which continuous throughout life (Lymbery, M 2005). The biological approach believes that as a person ages there is a decline in function as cells degenerate. Therefore, this approach views age as connected to a state of dependency and weakness with no possibility for improvement (Crawford, K and J, Walker 2004). However, in contrast there are other perspectives which take into account other elements such as the social construction of old age. For example, the introduction of retirement meant that clear boundaries were created which defined the point at which a person enters older age. Also, other dev elopments in the welfare system such as the provision of pensions, have further defined the concept of old age. Therefore, the end of employment and the start of retirement can be seen as a major influence in the way older age has been socially constructed (Lymbery M 2005). Crawford and Walker (2004) believe that the way in which older age has been historically constructed impacts upon the current view and treatment of older people in todays society. They note that during the Middle Ages, older people were cared for by either charities or religious institutions. The Poor Law Act, introduced in 1601, transferred the responsibility of the care of older people within the family, to care within the community. This meant that older people were now cared for by their local parish, as families were unable to support them due to the financial risks of agricultural based society. Workhouses were then introduced for individuals who were seen as needy and unproductive members of society. This included groups such as older people, the sick and those who were disabled. As there were no welfare system in existence, this meant that older people had to reside in workhouses as they had no other means of support. As the demand for care rose, the Poor Lawn Amendment Act in 1834 was introduced in attempt to cut costs by eliminating outdoor relief, this meant that older people were no longer able to receive support in their own homes and those in need of welfare were institutionalised in workhouse. This resulted in older people being viewed as a burden on society as they no longer had power, choice or control over they way they lived their lives (Crawford, K and J, Walker 2004). According to Phillipson (1998), the concept of old age being a separate group within society only surfaced during the end of the nineteenth century. As highlighted by Slater (1930 cited Phillipson, C. 1998) up until this period both the welfare provision for the sick, and the welfare provision for the elderly, were classified in the same way with no distinction between the two groups. Slater believes that it was at this point that societies found it necessary to end sickness benefit when an individual reaches 65, and to replace this with old age pension. The Old Age Pension Act was introduced in 1908 and provided all citizens who were over the age of seventy with up to five shillings a week if their income was under ten shillings a year. However, although this provided support for older people, the view held by society was to remain in work until they were unable to do so due to physical difficulties. Therefore, this resulted in older people who did not work being viewed in a negative way, as they were looked upon as useless due to the belief that they were either too stupid or too weak to work (Crawford, K and J, Walker 2004). It was during the twentieth century when older people began to be seen as different in they way they experienced and held an inferior status within society. It was found that through this period in time, one in five people who had reached the age of seventy were very poor and were a recipient of state welfare, and the likelihood rose significantly for those who were seventy-five, to a chance of one in three. This meant that circumstances such as being in poverty and experiencing marginalisation were seen as inevitable as an individual entered later adulthood, which provided the basis for which the concept of older age was constructed. What are the consequences for people in terms of social disadvantage? Older people face social disadvantage in many ways, such as infantilisation. This refers to a process in which adults are treated as though they were a child. This is a form of oppression as it demeans older people by assuming that they are fundamentally different from other adults and are therefore less worthy of respect (Thompson, S 2005). For example, the desexualisation of older age plays a key role in infantilisation. This is because old age is seen as a second stage of childhood, with an inappropriate link with sexuality, which further reaffirms the idea that older people are not adults. However, as sex is seen as an action of the healthy, this also reinforces the idea that older people are unwell, dependent and frail and further excludes them from sexuality. This illustrates they way in which older people are seen to be in need of support and reliant on others, similar to the conventions of childhood (Gott, M 2005). Also, by referring to older people by names such as dearie, i t can be degrading as the person using the term automatically assumes that the individual does not mind being referred to in this way, which can be seen as disrespectful and inconsiderate of their feelings. (Thompson, S 2005) Marginalisation is also another way through which older people face social disadvantage. Marginalisation is a form of social exclusion, and is used to describe the way in which people are pushed to the margins of society, which then prevents them from taking part in activities (Thompson, S 2005). When referring to older people, this is the process where older people are excluded from society due to preconceived ideas that they have no use, and are therefore a burden to society (Thompson, N 2006). There are many ways in which older people can experience marginalisation within society. For example, Thompson (2005) highlights the lack of suitable transport for many elderly people. This can mean that they are isolated from the rest of the community as the public transport is either inaccessible or unsuitable. This shows how older people can be marginalised due to factors they are unable to control, such structural problems within society. Dehumanisation is also another factor of social disadvantage in older people. This is because it gives older people a label of being elderly, to which the individual is then viewed in terms of this label and not as a person with unique thoughts, emotions and needs. Dehumanisation can have adverse consequences as it fails to identify that each person is different, which can cause discrimination and oppression due to its impersonal and stereotypical viewpoint Abuse of older people is a further way in which people of an older age may face disadvantages in society. Abuse in elderly people can be physical, psychological, sexual, emotional or financial. The underlying factor in this type of abuse is the exploitation of a comparatively vulnerable group within society. The people who carry out this abuse believe that older people within society are inferior with no requirement for respect (Thompson, S 2005). The No Secrets document (DoH 2000 cited in Crawford, K and J, Walker 2004) was created as guidance on how to implement and adhere to procedures to help protect vulnerable adults from abuse, and also clarify definitions, which would enable authorities to carry out good practice. According to Hothersall and Mass-Lowit (2010), older people who are isolated, reliant on others, have poor health, or who are considered disabled are more likely to be abused. They believe this abuse can take place in any environment, such as hospitals, residential h omes or even the individuals own home. What multiple disadvantages can impact on peoples lives? Ethnicity within older age can be seen as a significant influence on the life a person leads. This is because there is a belief that older people, who are of an ethnic minority background, face a double jeopardy in society, as they are oppressed by both age and their ethnicity (Thompson, S 2005). Ray, Bernard and Phillips (2009) argue that services are institutionally racist. This is because they tend to be directed towards the majority population, which can mean that people are doubly disadvantaged. This can occur as they are not recognised within the service, and instead they are they are overlooked and treated as though they are invisible. Thompson (2005) states that the common feature of racism and ageism is that they are often susceptible to dehumanisation. This is because it is easy to categorise people as elderly or Asian, however, in reality, these terms incorporate a vast amount of people into one group who experience different religion, culture and way of life. This leaves little manoeuvre for individuality and therefore these categories should be avoided, as the person is then seen in terms of this labels and not as a unique individual. Consequently, social work should seek to recognise the barriers which face ethnic minorities who are of an older age, and attempt to work with them to overcome their disadvantage (Phillips, J, M, Ray and M, Marshall. 2006). Gender can also be seen as a key issue which can further disadvantage older people within society. Phillips, Ray and Marshall (2006) support the idea of a feminisation of aging, as older age is now seen as a predominantly female world due to the fact that women live longer than men. This can mean that women are widowed for a greater time than men, which can lead to women having to enter residential care due to being unable to support their own needs without the help of their partner (Arber and Ginn, 1991, cited in Phillips, J, M, Ray and M, Marshall 2006). Women are also seen as less likely to have private pensions compared to men, which means that they are forced to depend upon state pension (Hunt, S 2005). This can be increasingly difficult for women living alone as it becomes the only source of household income which can leave them deprived and subjected to poverty (Phillips, J.M, Ray and M, Marshall 2006). Gender stereotypes within older age can also cause detrimental effects. Wo men can be seen to be oppressed due to pressure to conform to gender roles, such as to be caring and supportive, which can mean that they are undervalued as it is seen as normal and not something which needs to be commended. However, the caring role when displayed in men receives a higher status, as it is not seen to be a typical responsibility of mans stereotypical gender role, therefore they receive greater praise and support in fulfilling the role (Rose , H and E, Bruce, cited in Thompson 2005). It is important to note that not all gender related disadvantages in older age are associated with women, as men also experience undesirable situations. For example, the male gender role is surrounded by the belief that they are the dominant, providing and protective sex. However, this expectation may come under threat in older age as work is replaced by retirement and their health declines. This can then lead to lower self-esteem as they experience a loss of role within society (Thompson , S 2005). Multiple oppression can also be experienced in regard to ageism and economic disadvantage. Social class can be an important factor within old age, as those who belong to a lower class are significantly more likely to have a lower income and to live in poverty. Being in poverty affects a vast amount of older people, and can have negative consequences as a sufficient income is a required to be able to meet a persons fundamental needs (Crawford K, and J, Walker 2001). According to Thompson (2005) if an older person has a low socio-economic status within society then they are more likely to suffer from a state of poor health. Crawford and Walker (2001) point out that this may be due to being unable to afford to heat their home or to buy nutritional food, which increases the risk of contracting an illness as well as being able to properly recover. Also, they believe that other socio-economic factors act in a way in which reinforces multiple oppression. For example, older people may be afr aid to seek medical help when it is needed due to a fear of disapproval from people of a higher and professional status, such as doctors. This can mean that an older person tolerates their condition for a longer period of time, during which it could cause their health to deteriorate. Phillips, Ray and Marshall (2006) believe that it is becoming increasingly important in modern day society to contribute to an occupational pension. This is because there is a growing inequality between older people who rely on a public pension and those with the benefit of private pension schemes. Consequently, as state pensions are low, they have to be supplemented by means-tested top up benefits in an attempt to enable older people to remain above the poverty line. What do social workers need to think about when working with these service users with particular reference to anti-discriminatory practice One crucial factor in which social workers need to think about when working with older people is to avoid ageist assumptions. For example, Thompson (2006) proposes that older people are often subjects of sympathy as they stereotyped as being lonely. However, it is important to realise that people of all ages can be lonely, it is not something reserved for the elderly. Also, many older people have good social relations, and although they live alone, this does not mean they are lonely. Therefore, within social work practice, each case needs to be assessed individually to avoid stereotypical assumptions about older age. Another aspect which social workers need to think about when working with service users is to challenge the concept of ageism. This is because there are many negative stereotypes surrounding old age, which can be seen by the disproportionate media coverage when an older person is abused and dies, and when the same happens to a child. This means, that to actively challenge the concept of aging a social worker needs to perform roles such as assessing the strengths of an older person and what they are able to do, rather than focusing on their problems and inabilities. As well as other positive functions such as advocating on the behalf of the service user, to enable them to gain access to services to improve their standard of living. This will allow the service user to overcome the discrimination and oppression which they may face (Phillips, J. M, Ray and M, Marshall 2006) To conduct good social work practice when working with older people there should be support for the service user, individual personal care tailored to their needs, and also physical assistance, especially when offering help to those who have long term illness or disabilities. There are also other factors which constitute good social work practice such as values, skills and knowledge which enable social workers to carry out anti-discriminatory practice. A value base is needed to recognise the common issues amongst older people when trying to protect their independence. Skills are needed such as being able to empower people to remain in control of their lives, to advocate on behalf of the service user, to manage risk, and to be able to communicate effectively with both the service user and their carer. And also a knowledge base, that is derived from evidence based practice, policies and similar past experiences (Ray, M. M, Bernard and J, Phillips 2009) An important factor that social workers need to consider when working with older people is the language that is used. This is because terms such as the elderly can be seen as demeaning as they have negative connotations which can be seen as disrespectful. Also referring to service users as old dears or similar names, although it is not meant to be intentionally offensive it can be seen as patronising. This can then mean that the person feels inferior due to the lack of respect shown through the language used towards them and make them feel as though they are not being taken seriously. Therefore, the language used to refer to older people needs to be carefully considered to try fight ageism, rather than reinforce it. (Thompson, N 2006) Word count: 2619

Frostbite Chapter 6

Six I WAS FEELING PRETTY GOOD about life when I headed to my before-school practice the next day. The secret gathering last night had been super fun, and I felt proudly responsible for fighting the system and encouraging Dimitri to go with Tasha. Better still, I'd gotten my first crack at a silver stake yesterday and had proven I could handle one. High on myself, I couldn't wait to practice even more. Once I was dressed in my usual workout attire, I practically skipped down to the gym. But when I stuck my head inside the practice room from the day before, I found it dark and quiet. Flipping on the light, I peered around just in case Dimitri was conducting some kind of weird, covert training exercise. Nope. Empty. No staking today. â€Å"Shit,† I muttered. â€Å"He's not here.† I yelped and nearly jumped ten feet in the air. Turning around, I looked straight into my mother's narrowed brown eyes. â€Å"What are you doing here?† As soon as the words were out of my mouth, her appearance registered with me. A stretchy spandex shirt with short sleeves. Loose, drawstring workout pants similar to the ones I wore. â€Å"Shit,† I said again. â€Å"Watch your mouth,† she snapped. â€Å"You might behave like you have no manners, but at least try not to sound that way.† â€Å"Where's Dimitri?† â€Å"Guardian Belikov is in bed. He just got back a couple of hours ago and needed to sleep.† Another expletive was on my lips, and I bit it back. Of course Dimitri was asleep. He'd had to drive with Tasha to Missoula during daylight in order to be there during human shopping hours. He'd technically been up all of the Academy's night and had probably only just gotten back. Ugh. I wouldn't have been so quick to encourage him to help her if I'd known it'd result in this. â€Å"Well,† I said hastily. â€Å"I guess that means practice is canceled† â€Å"Be quiet and put these on.† She handed me some training mitts. They were similar to boxing gloves but not as thick and bulky. They shared the same purpose, however: to protect your hands and keep you from gouging your opponent with your nails. â€Å"We've been working on silver stakes,† I said sulkily shoving my hands into the mitts. â€Å"Well, today we're doing this. Come on.† Wishing I'd been hit by a bus on my walk from the dorm today, I followed her out toward the center of the gym. Her curly hair was pinned up to stay out of the way, revealing the back of her neck. The skin there was covered in tattoos. The top one was a serpentine line: the promise mark, given when guardians graduated from academies like St. Vladimir's and agreed to serve. Below that were the molnija marks awarded each time a guardian killed a Strigoi. They were shaped like the lightning bolts they took their name from. I couldn't gauge exact numbers, but let's just say it was a wonder my mom had any neck left to tattoo. She'd wielded a lot of death in her time. When she reached the spot she wanted, she turned toward me and adopted an attack stance. Half expecting her to jump me then and there, I quickly mirrored it. â€Å"What are we doing?† I asked. â€Å"Basic offensive and defensive parrying. Use the red lines.† â€Å"That's all?† I asked. She leapt toward me. I dodgedjust barelyand tripped over my own feet in the process. Hastily, I righted myself. â€Å"Well,† she said in a voice that almost sounded sarcastic. â€Å"As you seem so keen on reminding me, I haven't seen you in five years. I have no idea what you can do.† She moved on me again, and again I just barely kept within the lines in escaping her. That quickly became the pattern. She never really gave me the chance to go on the offensive. Or maybe I just didn't have the skills to take the offensive. I spent all my time defending myselfphysically, at least. Grudgingly, I had to acknowledge to myself that she was good. Really good. But I certainly wasn't going to tell her that. â€Å"So, what?† I asked. â€Å"This is your way of making up for maternal negligence?† â€Å"This is my way of making you get rid of that chip on your shoulder. You've had nothing but attitude for me since I arrived. You want to fight?† Her fist shot out and connected with my arm. â€Å"Then we'll fight. Point.† â€Å"Point,† I conceded, backing up to my side. â€Å"I don't want to fight. I've just been trying to talk to you.† â€Å"Mouthing off to me in class isn't what I'd really call talking. Point.† I grunted from the hit. When I'd first begun training with Dimitri, I'd complained that it wasn't fair for me to fight someone a foot taller than me. He'd pointed out that I'd fight plenty of Strigoi taller than me and that the old adage was true: size doesn't matter. Sometimes I thought he was giving me false hope, but judging from my mom's performance here, I was starting to believe him. I'd never actually fought anyone smaller than me. As one of the few girls in the novice classes, I accepted that I was almost always going to be shorter and slimmer than my opponents. But my mother was smaller still and clearly had nothing but muscle packed into her petite body. â€Å"I have a unique style of communication, that's all,† I said. â€Å"You have a petty teenage delusion that you've somehow been wronged for the last seventeen years.† Her foot hit my thigh. â€Å"Point. When in reality, you've been treated no differently than any other dhampir. Better, actually. I could have sent you off to live with my cousins. You want to be a blood whore? Is that what you wanted?† The term â€Å"blood whore† always made me flinch. It was a term often applied to the single dhampir mothers who decided to raise their children instead of becoming guardians. These women often had short-term affairs with Moroi men and were looked down on for iteven though there wasn't really anything else they could have done, since Moroi men usually ended up marrying Moroi women. The â€Å"blood whore† term came from the fact that some dhampir women let men drink blood from them during sex. In our world, only humans gave blood. A dhampir doing it was dirty and kinkyespecially during sex. I suspected only a few dhampir women actually did this, but unfairly, the term tended to get applied to all of them. I had given blood to Lissa when we had run away, and although it had been a necessary act, the stigma still stayed with me. â€Å"No. Of course I don't want to be a blood whore.† My breathing was becoming heavy. â€Å"And they're not all like that. There're only a few that actually are.† â€Å"They bring that reputation on themselves,† she growled. I dodged her strike. â€Å"They should be doing their duty as guardians, not continuing to fool around and have flings with Moroi.† â€Å"They're raising their children,† I grunted. I wanted to yell but couldn't waste the oxygen. â€Å"Something you'd know nothing about. Besides, aren't you the same as they are? I don't see a ring on your finger. Wasn't my dad just a fling for you?† Her face turned hard, which is saying something when you're already beating up your daughter. â€Å"That,† she said tightly, â€Å"is something you know nothing about. Point.† I winced at the blow but was happy to see I'd struck a nerve. I had no clue who my dad was. The only bit of information I had was that he was Turkish. I might have my mom's curvy figure and pretty facethough I could smugly say mine was much prettier than hers nowadaysbut the rest of my coloring was from him. Lightly tanned skin with dark hair and eyes. â€Å"How'd it happen?† I asked. â€Å"Were you on some assignment in Turkey? Meet him at a local bazaar? Or was it even cheaper than that? Did you go all Darwin and select the guy most likely to pass on warrior genes to your offspring? I mean, I know you only had me because it was your duty, so I suppose you had to make sure you could give the guardians the best specimen you could.† â€Å"Rosemarie,† she warned through gritted teeth, â€Å"for once in your life, shut up.† â€Å"Why? Am I tarnishing your precious reputation? It's just like you told me: you aren't any different from any other dhampir either. You just screwed him and† There's a reason they say, â€Å"Pride goeth before a fall.† I was so caught up in my own cocky triumph that I stopped paying attention to my feet. I was too close to the red line. Going outside of it was another point for her, so I scrambled to stay within and dodge her at the same time. Unfortunately, only one of those could work. Her fist came flying at me, fast and hardand, perhaps most importantly, a bit higher than the permissable according to rules of this kind of exercise. It smacked me in the face with the power of a small truck, and I flew backward, hitting the hard gym floor back-first and head-second. And I was out of the lines. Damn it. Pain cracked through the back of my head, and my vision went blurry and sparkly. Within seconds, my mother was leaning over me. â€Å"Rose? Rose? Are you okay?† Her voice sounded hoarse and frantic. The world swam. At some point after that, other people came, and I somehow wound up in the Academy's med clinic. There, someone shone a light in my eyes and started asking me incredibly idiotic questions. â€Å"What's your name?† â€Å"What?† I asked, squinting at the light. â€Å"Your name.† I recognized Dr. Olendzki peering over me. â€Å"You know my name.† â€Å"I want you to tell me.† â€Å"Rose. Rose Hathaway.† â€Å"Do you know your birthday?† â€Å"Of course I do. Why are you asking me such stupid things? Did you lose my records?† Dr. Olendzki gave an exasperated sigh and walked off, taking the annoying light with her. â€Å"I think she's fine,† I heard her tell someone. â€Å"I want to keep her here for the school day, just to make sure she doesn't have a concussion. I certainly don't want her anywhere near her guardian classes.† I spent the day moving in and out of sleep because Dr. Olendzki kept waking me up to do her tests. She also gave me an ice pack and told me to keep it close to my face. When the Academy's classes let out, she deemed me well enough to leave. â€Å"I swear, Rose, I think you should have a frequent patient's card.† There was a small smile on her face. â€Å"Short of those with chronic problems like allergies and asthma, I don't think there's any other student I've seen here so often in such a short period of time.† â€Å"Thanks,† I said, not really sure I wanted the honor. â€Å"So, no concussion?† She shook her head. â€Å"No. You're going to have some pain, though. I'll give you something for that before you go.† Her smile faded, and suddenly she looked nervous. â€Å"To be honest, Rose, I think most of the damage happened to, well, your face.† I shot up from the bed. â€Å"What do you mean ‘most of the damage happened to my face'?† She gestured to the mirror above the sink on the far side of the room. I ran over to it and looked at my reflection. â€Å"Son of a bitch!† Purplish red splotches covered the upper portion of the left side of my face, particularly near the eye. Desperately, I turned around to face her. â€Å"This is going to go away soon, right? If I keep the ice on it?† She shook her head again. â€Å"The ice can help†¦but I'm afraid you're going to have a wicked black eye. It'll probably be at its worst tomorrow but should clear up in a week or so. You'll be back to normal before long.† I left the clinic in a daze that had nothing to do with my head injury. Clear up in a week or so? How could Dr. Olendzki speak so lightly about this? Didn't she realize what was happening? I was going to look like a mutant for Christmas and most of the ski trip. I had a black eye. A freaking black eye. And my mother had given it to me.

Study Nicky Cruz s Life Very Interesting And Inspiring

Nicky Cruz Assignment In this research project I decided to study Nicky Cruz because I find his life very interesting and inspiring. I chose to find out what his early life was like, how God used him and what I can learn from him. What was his early life like? Nicky Cruz (full name San Nicholas de le Cruz, meaning Saint Nicholas of the holy cross) was born on the 6th of december, 1938, in Las Piedras, Puerto Rico. He was the 8th of 18 children. Nicky s parents both practiced witchcraft, or espiritismo, and had a huge reputation and were greatly respected. Nicky was the black sheep of the family. He was severely abused physically, mentally and verbally by his parents, particularly his mother, who often told him she hated him and cursed by calling him things like the son of satan and that he had the mark of the beast on his heart. Whenever his mother was angry at his other siblings, he would be the one whipped. As a result of this treatment he became resentful, angry, sneaky and mean. Nicky was always in serious trouble. He never cried for the most of his childhood, his heart had hardened to stone. Him and his mother became enemies and he swore he would one day kill her, though he was desperate for affection. He learnt to be cautious of her. He grew up a very angry and deeply hurting boy, and would have blamed the way people treated him on his mother. He would often run away from home, by the age of 9, for weeks at a time. Nicky used to steal his mothers money, out of

Little Boy Atomic Bomb in World War II

Little Boy was the first atomic bomb used against Japan in World War II and was detonated over Hiroshima on August 6, 1945. The design was the work of a team led by Lieutenant Commander Francis Birch at the Los Alamos Laboratory. A gun-type fission weapon, the Little Boy design utilized uranium-235 to create its nuclear reaction. Delivered to Tinian in the Marianas, the first Little Boy was carried to its target by the B-29 Superfortresses Enola Gay flown by Colonel Paul W. Tibbets, Jr. of the 509th Composite Group. The Little Boy design was briefly retained in the years after World War II but was quickly eclipsed by newer weapons. The Manhattan Project Overseen by Major General Leslie Groves and scientist Robert Oppenheimer, the Manhattan Project was the name given to the United States efforts to build nuclear weapons during World War II. The first approach pursued by the project was the use of enriched uranium to create a weapon, as this material was known to be fissionable. To meet the projects needs, enriched uranium production began at a new facility in Oak Ridge, TN in early 1943. Around the same time, scientists began experimenting with various bomb prototypes at the Los Alamos Design Laboratory in New Mexico. Uranium Designs Early work focused on gun-type designs which fired one piece of uranium into another to create a nuclear chain reaction. While this approach proved promising for uranium-based bombs, it was less so for those utilizing plutonium. As a result, the scientists at Los Alamos began developing an implosion design for a plutonium-based bomb as this material was relatively more plentiful. By July 1944, the bulk of the research was focused on the plutonium designs and the uranium gun-type bomb was less of a priority. Leading the design team for the gun-type weapon, Lieutenant Commander Francis Birch succeeded in convincing his superiors that the design was worth pursuing if only as a back-up in case the plutonium bomb design failed. Pushing forward, Birchs team produced specifications for the bomb design in February 1945. Moving into production, the weapon, minus its uranium payload, was completed in early May. Dubbed the Mark I (Model 1850) and code-named Little Boy, the bombs uranium was not available until July. The final design measured 10 feet long and 28 inches in diameter. Little Boy Design A gun-type nuclear weapon, Little Boy relied on one mass of uranium-235 hitting another to create a nuclear reaction. As a result, the core component of the bomb was a smoothbore gun barrel through which the uranium projectile would be fired. The final design specified the use of 64 kilograms of uranium-235. Approximately 60% of this was formed into the projectile, which was a cylinder with a four-inch hole through the middle. The remaining 40% comprised the target which was a solid spike measuring seven inches long with a diameter of four inches. Commander A. Francis Birch (left) assembles the bomb while physicist Norman Ramsey watches. Public Domain When detonated, the projectile would be propelled down the barrel by a tungsten carbide and steel plug and would create a super-critical mass of uranium at impact. This mass was to be contained by a tungsten carbide and steel tamper and neutron reflector. Due to a lack of uranium-235, no full-scale test of the design occurred prior to the bombs construction. Also, due to its relatively simplistic design, Birchs team felt that only smaller-scale, laboratory tests were necessary to prove the concept. Though a design that virtually ensured success, Little Boy was relatively unsafe by modern standards, as several scenarios, such as a crash or electrical short circuit, could lead to a fizzle or accidental detonation. For detonation, Little Boy employed a three-stage fuse system which ensured that the bomber could escape and that it would explode at a preset altitude. This system employed a timer, barometric stage, and a set of doubly-redundant radar altimeters. "Little Boy" Atomic Bomb Type: Nuclear weaponNation: United StatesDesigner: Los Alamos LabratoryLength: 10 feetWeight: 9,700 poundsDiameter: 28 inchesFilling: Uranium-235Yield: 15 kilotons of TNT Delivery Use On July 14, several completed bomb units and the uranium projectile were shipped by train from Los Alamos to San Francisco. Here they were embarked aboard the cruiser USS Indianapolis. Steaming at high speed, the cruiser delivered the bomb components to Tinian on July 26. That same day, the uranium target was flown to the island in three C-54 Skymasters from the 509th Composite Group. With all of the pieces on hand, bomb unit L11 was chosen and Little Boy assembled. Due to the danger of handling the bomb, the weaponeer assigned to it, Captain William S. Parsons, made the decision to delay inserting the cordite bags into the gun mechanism until the bomb was airborne. With the decision to use the weapon against the Japanese, Hiroshima was selected as the target and Little Boy was loaded aboard the B-29 Superfortress Enola Gay. Commanded by Colonel Paul Tibbets, Enola Gay took off on August 6 and rendezvoused with two additional B-29s, which had been loaded with instrumentation and photographic equipment, over Iwo Jima. Boeing B-29 Superfortress Enola Gay landing after the atomic bombing mission on Hiroshima, Japan, 1945. U.S. Air Force Proceeding to Hiroshima, Enola Gay released Little Boy over the city at 8:15 AM. Falling for fifty-seven seconds, it detonated at the predetermined height of 1,900 feet with a blast equivalent to about 13-15 kilotons of TNT. Creating an area of complete devastation approximately two miles in diameter, the bomb, with its resulting shock wave and firestorm, effectively destroyed around 4.7 square miles of the city, killing 70,000-80,000 and injuring another 70,000. The first nuclear weapon used in wartime, it was quickly followed three days later by the use of Fat Man, a plutonium bomb, on Nagasaki. Postwar As it was not expected that the Little Boy design would be used again, many of the plans for the weapon were destroyed. This caused a problem in 1946 when a shortage of plutonium for new weapons led to the need to construct several uranium-based bombs as a stopgap. This resulted in a successful effort to recreate the original design and produced six assemblies. In 1947, the U.S. Navy Bureau of Ordnance built 25 Little Boy assemblies though by the following year there was only enough fissionable material to arm ten. The last of the Little Boy units were removed from the inventory in January 1951.